[[Local Food, Global Capital - 5 sentences]] Local Food, Global Capital: Sharetakers in the Corporate-Environmental Food Regime how global food regimes restructure risk in Hawaii's food system, [[2024-09-17 discontinuity and scale domains]] >[!tip] Use The Herfindahl–Hirschman Index to measure the size of firms in relation to the industry they are in and is an indicator of the amount of competition among them. [Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herfindahl%E2%80%93Hirschman_index) > >@deteix.etal_2024 mention its use and limitations ## Defining a New Global Regime ==What changed globally?== Globalized production of most major industries engendered a backlash that led to a flourishing of alternative food systems efforts like organic production and food system localization. As these alterities became mainstreamed corporate industrial interests have increasingly pursued their adoption as new frontiers of capital accumulation. Concomitantly, deregulation fueled growth of global finance sector led to firms seeking fertile opportunity in the agrofood sector and consolidations followed suit. This regime's contours are framed by some as Corporate-Environmental [Friedman, 2005, as cited in @talbot_2015] which seeks profit by responding to consumer calls for improved environmental management. The global regime frame established commodities trade, followed by processed and preserved foods, increasingly focuses on fresh fare. While across much of the planet this new regime is expressed in *food from nowhere* [McMichael, 2002, as cited in @campbell_2009], in the Hawaiian islands the *food from somewhere* counter narrative has been adopted by by a defining characteristic. The islands' interest in and persistent concern around food import dependence is being responded to by global actors rent seeking through production for local consumption. In so doing, the narratives around food system localization are left requiring more nuance beyond just the geography of production. As this section will demonstrate, new actors in Hawaii's food system have emerging market power in sub-sectors at scales previously unknown in the islands. The pocket market problem in island production makes it necessary for these new actors needs to wield their market power towards consolidation in order to deliver returns familiar to their capital-financial industry backing, yet uncommon in agriculture. Yet, as the history of scaled production in the islands have demonstrated, even total dominance of local agriculture is often insufficient to compete with global market forces. Thus the logic of capital behind these investments may be part of their undoing. The net effect for the islands may well be even greater reliance on imported fare after currently scale-fit local production is pushed out by operation orders of magnitude larger. ### 3rd regime broadly defined > A regime in which ‘strategies for profit capture are built around expediting internationally co-ordinated flows of production, commodities and capital’ (Pritchard (1998) Econ. Geog. **74**, 1). > The third food regime is highlighted by the increasing globalization of production and consumption markets reflected, in part, by corporations which are ‘geared to the global or regional markets that are replacing national markets’ (McMichael (1992) Sociolog. Perspectives **35**, 2), and characterized by ==flexible production== and ==adaptation to niche markets==, aided by research and development. Other researchers see the third food regime as ==centred around the expansion of the fresh fruit and vegetable complex (LeHeron and Roche (1995)== Area **27**, 1). The development of organic food production (and its creation of social and economic space) is an expression of the third food regime. See Mckenna et al. (2001) Geoforum **32**, 2. The third food regime is also termed the ==post-productivist transition==. https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803103940691 “emerging third food regime … one that is lead by global corporations that are profiting from the re-organisation of agri-food chains” (Burch and Lawrence, 2009, p. 267) “Friedmann (2005) calls this new food regime the Corporate–Environmental food regime. She argues that social movement demands for healthier, safer, and more environmentally friendly foods are being co-opted by the corporate food industry.” (Talbot 2015) ==What changes did global restructuring engender in Hawaii? Who are the primary actors and institutions? social structures?== ## Neo-productivism & the State ==Was state action "central to the formulation of hegemony" [@jakobsen_2021, p. 4] ?== - Pre-regime: - 1st regime: yes? the regime literally took over the state.. - 2nd regime: IDK - 3rd regime: - state (Gov Ige) certainly seems to be leaning in on neo-productivism - Legislature didnt intervene on meet processing consolidation - Egg standards pushed by Villa rose in legislature - Water rights fights with Mahi Pono ### 'Island Pork'? @namkoong_2005 and @sarhangi_2008 highlight the meanings of "local" in Hawaii's pork markets See also this [Analysis of the role of various firm-specific factors on productive efficiency]( https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0169515098000723 ) shows that Hawaii's hog farm size has strong positive effects on efficiency levels. ## Defining the financialized 'local shift' ==What changes in local production resulted? who are the new actors? How did/will labor restructure?== ### Common Facets %% See [[Sharetaker Case Study Format]]%% Three aspects of investigation into this shift are changes in the comparative scale, ownership, and intent of new food system actors in Hawaii. #### Scale - orders of magnitude larger #### Ownership - distant ownership #### Intent - narrative emphasis on meeting local need and environmental management ### Subsectors Provide a general description of the project and a timeline of its development. Finally discuss the scale, ownership, and intent of the operation as separate sections. #### Fruits and Vegetables [[Mahi Pono]] The largest agricultural investment and acquisition position of the last decades is Mahi Pono. The effort is a collaboration between Pomona Farming LLC and the Public Sector Pension Investment Board of Canada which purchased 41,000 acres of old sugarcane fields from former sugar concern Alexander & Baldwin. #### Egg Production Villa Rose / Waialua Eggs [[Waialua Fresh]] **General Description and Timeline** Villa Rose Egg Farm, trading under the Waialua Fresh brand, is a large-scale egg production project located on O'ahu, Hawaii. The farm was established as a collaborative venture by Hidden Villa Ranch (California) and Rose Acre Farms (Indiana) in response to the realization that 90% of eggs sold in Hawaii were imported from the mainland. Construction of the farm began in 2017, and its first eggs hit the shelves in early 2022. The operation is designed to be completely self-sufficient and environmentally responsible. With the first four barns operational, and six more slated for production in 2024, this project marks the first agricultural venture of its magnitude in Hawaii in recent years​[1](https://businessviewmagazine.com/waialua-fresh-villa-rose-egg-farm-oahu-hawaii/)​. **Scale** The egg farm spans over 300 acres and is designed to service the entire Hawaiian Islands, aiming to reduce dependence on imported eggs from the mainland. Currently, the farm houses 200,000 laying birds, with plans to increase this number to half a million by the end of 2024. Despite this increase, a significant gap will still exist, as it is estimated that approximately two million birds would be needed to fully meet the egg demand in Hawaii without any imports​[1](https://businessviewmagazine.com/waialua-fresh-villa-rose-egg-farm-oahu-hawaii/)​. **Ownership** The farm is jointly owned by Hidden Villa Ranch and Rose Acre Farms. These two family-owned companies combined their assets to create Villa Rose Egg Farm, which operates under the brand name Waialua Fresh​[1](https://businessviewmagazine.com/waialua-fresh-villa-rose-egg-farm-oahu-hawaii/)​. **Intent** The overarching goal of the farm is to help Hawaii rely less on imported eggs from the mainland. By generating positive, measurable social and environmental impact, Waialua Fresh aims to serve as a model for sustainable agriculture. Key to its operations is the principle of a circular economy, with every aspect of the farm's operation designed to minimize waste and maximize sustainability. The farm is entirely off-grid, powered by solar arrays and serviced by an independent water well. All wastewater is treated and reused for irrigation, and chicken manure is converted into fertilizer for local farms. The farm is also working towards growing and milling grain for bird feed locally, which would make it one of the first self-contained manufacturers in Hawaii. Furthermore, the project aims to provide fresher eggs for consumers compared to imported alternatives, thanks to automated processing which can have eggs in stores the day after they are laid​[1](https://businessviewmagazine.com/waialua-fresh-villa-rose-egg-farm-oahu-hawaii/)​. It should be noted that while Waialua Fresh aims to replace imported eggs with locally produced ones, it does not intend to harm local farmers. Instead, the company aims to maintain steady, planned development while closely monitoring market demand and trends​[1](https://businessviewmagazine.com/waialua-fresh-villa-rose-egg-farm-oahu-hawaii/)​. As of now, I have not been able to find information on the names of the founders or current leaders of the project, but I can perform a follow-up search to obtain this information if it's necessary for your research. #### Meat Processing [[Hawaii Meats]] [[Cattle in Hawaii]] ### Consumption Shifts? 1. What changes in local consumption resulted? - trends in food import dependency - portion of Hawaii’s food consumption has been locally produced over time? ## Risk Shifts ### Global Vulnerability Localizes ==How/did vulnerability change as a result of global-local restructuring?== 4. Do changes in Hawaii ==align with the timelines of global food regimes== theorizing? - Did global regimes arrive early or stay late in the islands? (pattern matching) - Extent of alignment between change in Hawaii and global food regime timelines ### Literature @burch.lawrence_2009 on the third food regime transformation & financialization @lawrence.etal_2015 @lin_2022 on localization of the corporate food regime @zwart_2015 @akram-lodhi_2012 on land grabs - @suryanata_2002 on internal market competition vs displacement of imports - “Between 1994 and 1999, the acreage of vegetables and melons on the island of Oahu more than quadrupled” [Go to annotation](zotero://open-pdf/library/items/2WZEP6J8?page=81&annotation=P8YD56Z2) ([Suryanata, 2002, p. 81](zotero://select/library/items/JXMX8W3K)) - “regardless of the dramatic increase in vegetable production on Oahu, the total market share of fresh vegetables grown in the state remained relatively constant throughout the 1990s at 29 to 31 percent” [Go to annotation](zotero://open-pdf/library/items/2WZEP6J8?page=81&annotation=YSF4JEZP) ([Suryanata, 2002, p. 81](zotero://select/library/items/JXMX8W3K)) - “Rather than substituting for the fresh produce shipped in from the U.S. mainland, the growth in production on Oahu apparently occurred at the expense of farms on the other islands in Hawaii.” [Go to annotation](zotero://open-pdf/library/items/2WZEP6J8?page=81&annotation=KU7HSPIF) ([Suryanata, 2002, p. 81](zotero://select/library/items/JXMX8W3K)) Will mahi Pono and villa rose do the same? key history and question to ask. Kautsky would presumably think so.. - “Wholesalers and supermarkets have pointed out that, with few exceptions, the problem of doing business with local growers is the inconsistent and unreliable supply.” [Go to annotation](zotero://open-pdf/library/items/2WZEP6J8?page=81&annotation=TLR66EFM) ([Suryanata, 2002, p. 81](zotero://select/library/items/JXMX8W3K)) - “Successful vegetable farms, such as the medium and large “new” diversified farms that took over the former sugar lands on Oahu, are clearly the ones that are able to address this problem. These farms have more capacity to plan and control market supply, which increases their reliability” [Go to annotation](zotero://open-pdf/library/items/2WZEP6J8?page=81&annotation=LAAVKASW) ([Suryanata, 2002, p. 81](zotero://select/library/items/JXMX8W3K)) ### Post Plantation **The Next Food Regime** See @almas.etal_2012 for example of analysis of the relationship between global events, agricultural restructuring. paper argues ‘repositioned productivism’ emerging in Norwegian ag system. - analysis of the relationship between global events, agricultural restructuring and local responses. - discusses the case of productivism  - argues that in the Norwegian system we can indeed see traces of an emerging ‘repositioned productivism’. Narratives within the novel food regime emerging in Hawaii are positioned at the nexus of alternative food politics responding to globalization ("local") and environmental impact ("sustainable agriculture") and post-plantation neo-productivism ("EXAMPLE OF SCALE") that draw upon popular interest in food self-sufficiency ("Feeding ... and sustaining Hawaiʻi" on Mahi Pono website). **Dominant Agriculture** **Diverse Agriculture** **Off-shore agricultural investments are nothing new to the islands but now the export oriented firms are being replaced by a new kind of accumulation and dispossession focused on producing food for local sale.** This ‘local shift’ is evidenced by myriad new projects that have taken up popular narratives of food security and localization, sustainability, and increased food self-sufficiency.  **The State government, whose sustainability goals and timelines to double local food production use the same productivist logic, has focused on these large scale and capital intensive projects to meet their targets.** This alignment of government and private finance visions for Hawaii’s local foods system marginalizes the thousands of existing small and mid size farms across the state, likely lead to further consolidation of  and will further impact  **What has led to the ‘local shift’ in agrofood investments and policy?** Doubling local food production is a key goal of Gov. David Ige’s Sustainable Hawaiʻi Initiative and the Hawaiʻi Green Growth Aloha + Challenge Statewide sustainability goals focus on production and localness, with no exactions beyond that. # Local Food, Global Capital: The ‘Local Shift’ in the Financialization of Hawaii’s Foods Support of food production for local consumption has been a persistent interest in Hawaii’s agrofood system. The primary rationale for that interest has changed from pre-contact subsistence to a focus today on sustainability. Over the past century, shifting social and economic relations between the state, investment capital, markets, and civil society have helped to perpetuate local agriculture. State support in particular has been a key mechanism in the production and reproduction of agriculture for local consumption. In recent years, as civil society interest in local foods has grown, the government has responded with planning and establishing goals to double food production for local consumption. These discursive responses by the state have not been paired with the same kinds of material support that were common in previous decades [@hayes_1942; @mark.lucas_1983; @peters.rasmussen_1961; @wilcox_1916]. Instead the state has taken a more neoliberal approach and focused on food enterprise market actors to provide material support in the form of financial investment. These investments by financial, corporate, and foreign capital interests operate at temporal and spatial scales that align well with political goals to double local food production, and represent a ‘local shift’ in the desired market of agrocaptial interests from export to Hawaii consumers. Though these investments may yield increases in productivity, the majority of surplus value from that production will accrue not in Hawaii’s rural economies and communities but in the global accounts of venture and corporate firms. The support by the state for these large scale investment projects eschews addressing the needs of existing farm operators in Hawaii and the potential they hold in increasing productivity. Furthermore, as the agrocapital operations are primarily financial investment projects they are more susceptible to the vagaries of global capital and market shifts (CITATION NEEDED) than the well documented stalwart nature of smallholder producers [@chayanov_1986]. That being said, the history of financialization in agriculture has demonstrated accumulation by dispossession and consolidation that push small and mid size operators out of the market [@isakson_2014]. Though the agrocapital economic winds may be onshore at the moment, when they change again and offshore investors depart Hawaii the state will likely be left with far fewer local producers. By focusing on calories in production and not communities of producers the state loses out on an opportunity to build more durable local production-consumption networks. By coaxing investments to meet political goals the state participates in the shift of local foods from being community to commodity assets. It is at this conjuncture where the conflicting values and visions for local food held by the state, investors, and civil society are most apparent. The broader analytical frame of food regime analysis is utilized to contextualize these perspectives. ## The Global Corporate Food Regime in Hawaii Food regime analysis is ideal for articulating connections between state and global governance and identifying trajectories of accumulation in agrofood sectors [@marsden.etal_1996]. Each food regime is a post hoc bounding of moments to aid in “the understanding of agriculture and food’s role in capital accumulation across time and space” [@mcmichael_2009]. In the first global food regime, dominated by British colonialism from 1870-1930s, foreign capital reconfigured agriculture across Pacific Islands to produce bulk commodities for export to colonial centers [@plahe.etal_2013]. In the second food regime roughly from the late 1950s through the 1970s, United States ascension and global north productivity drove exports to postcolonial states, shifting the net flow of goods and creating food import dependence across much of the pacific [@plahe.etal_2013]. The third global food regime from the 1980s to today, framed by the politics of neoliberalism and evidenced in the “corporatization of agriculture and agro-exports” [@mcmichael_2005] has shifted the “locus of control for food security away from the nation-state to the world market” [@plahe.etal_2013]. McMichael posits that “the food regime is not a political–economic order, as such, rather it is a vehicle of a contradictory conjuncture, governed by the ‘double movement’ of accumulation/legitimation” [-@mcmichael_2005]. And indeed, in Hawaii today corporatized agrofood development is used as a means of state legitimation, clearly reflected in a recent newsletter from the Governor’s office stating that businesses “have heard about our commitment to doubling local food production and are interested in making significant investments here.” [(Office of the Governor, 2019)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZcG0WQ). Accumulation by capital in this regime is accomplished through the “appropriation of agricultural resources for capitalist consumption relations … realized through an expanding foundation of human impoverishment and displacement, and the marginalization of agrarian/food cultures” [@mcmichael_2005]. The recent spate of land grabs by financial and corporate interests, detailed below, are exemplary of this type of appropriation, while marginalization is evidenced by the lack of material support for existing agricultural producers that was present in previous decades. Articulation of the decline in material support for local agriculture from the state, while not the focus of this paper, can be understood in part through a review of current discursive support.  ## Support and Security on the road to Doubling Local Food Two goals best articulate the government approach to local agriculture. In 2014, the Aloha Plus Challenge, composed of six sustainability goals for 2030 “informed by stakeholder and community input”, was signed by then Governor Neil Abercrombie, each of the county Mayors, and the head of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs. The Aloha Plus Challenge was the outcome of and is tracked by the public-private partnership Hawaii Green Growth. The local food goal set to “at least double local food production – 20-30% of food consumed is grown locally” by 2030 [(Hawaii Green Growth, n.d.)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?sP4tlV).  In late 2016, Governor David Ige announced, at the opening of the World Conservation Congress, his Sustainable Hawaii Initiative, stating “We need to provide food security through protection of lands and water and support for our local farmers. That’s why I’m committed to doubling Hawaiʻi’s food production by 2020”  [(Ige, 2016)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?1o2vX3). While the ambition of the timeline is notable, so too is the invocation of food security and support for local farmers as the rationale. These are echoed in the initiative brochure stating that “To continue to provide food security and support our local farmers, we are committed to increasing agricultural loan programs, invasive species prevention and control, and purchasing and improving high-value agricultural lands.” [(Office of Governor David Ige, n.d.)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?dRNcsx). A key distinction being that while the first quotation uses food security through support of local farmers as a rational, the second creates distinction between food security and support of local farmers rationales. Another promotional document outlining the plans for doubling local production, lists various supports for local farmers like increasing capital available to farmers, developing “Buy Local” campaigns, and increasing the availability of lands for “agriculturalists including for small family farms” [(Office of Governor David Ige, 2016)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?FApcmB). However, the bullet point for ‘revitalizing the livestock industry’ includes that the state Department of Agriculture “working with private partners will increase local egg production with the introduction of a one million hen facility on Oahu” [(Office of Governor David Ige, 2016)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?PgDEay). That facility, a “partnership between California’s Hidden Villa Ranch, one of the largest egg distributors in the US, and Indiana’s Rose Acre Farms, one of the nation’s biggest egg producers” had been in the works since at least 2015 [@shimogawa_2014a]. With plans for solar power, job and peripheral industry creation, and a starting flock of 300,000 birds, the project dubbed Villa Rose even curried the support of the impact investment firm Ulupono Initiative whose general partner expressed that the market has plenty of room for small and larger operations to co-exist [@riker_2015]. A sentiment not shared by a longtime local egg farmer who, while open to the idea of the operation restarting local grain production and feed mills, was wary of the potential of local farms closing due to market flooding and dropping egg prices [@riker_2015]. Villa Rose, Ulupono Initiative, and a local farmers’ hopes for how the operation would support local farmers are mostly found in the distant potential of spurring local grain production. When reasonably the state doesn’t hold any other positions about how this project would meet the doubling goal rationale to support local farmers thus, presumably, this project is undergirded by the food security rationale. While hopes attached to spin off industries have potential benefit to local farmers, the impacts of nearly one egg per resident per day by hitting the marketplace don’t require hope to imagine. Implementations of the food security rationale are found then to be antagonistic to the intent of the support local farmers rationale. Alternatively this can viewed as preferencing productivity over producers. Far from an island in this approach, similar frames have been documented with financialization and land grabs in Australia [@larder.etal_2015] and ocean grabs in Canada [@knott.neis_2017], both yielding increased of vulnerability to local producers. With the state goals and rationales outlined, what other implementations of the food security rationale are there? ## The Rise of the Food Enterprise The food enterprise discourse seeks to increase productivity by “increasing output through corporate-led technological innovation, and pushing peasant producers out of agriculture to make way for more efficient ‘entrepreneurial’ farmers” [@holtgimenez.shattuck_2011]. This productivist discourse is echoed in “finding game changers” by the state [(Office of Governor David Ige, 2018)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?JTC1lU), impact investing focused on large-scale for-profit and non-profit investments by the Ulupono Initiative [(Ulupono Initiative, n.d.)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?6ND73t), corporate investment by Villa Rose and Costco [(Office of Governor David Ige, 2018)](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?7f73Cf), a bevy of large scale venture and finance capital backed projects, and a suite of agrofood business accelerator programs. The scale and intent of each of these programs or projects vary widely, but are connected in their embrace of “move the needle” or food enterprise thinking and a desire to shape the future of agriculture in Hawaii. Off-shore agricultural investments are nothing new to the islands but once export oriented firms are being replaced by new forms of accumulation by dispossession by financialization efforts focused on producing food for local sale. ## The Local Shift The most recent major investment is that of Mahi Pono, a collaboration between Pomona Farming LLC and the Public Sector Pension Investment Board of Canada which purchased 41,000 acres of old sugar fields from Alexander & Baldwin. Prior investments on Maui include Hana Ranch a 3,600 acre acquisition by Biological Capital, which also manages Oprah Winfrey’s Maui estate operation’s OW Farms. Larry Ellison’s purchase of the island of Lanai was followed by an announcement of his Pulama Lanai company’s Lanai Farms. On Oahu, Villa Rose is setting up shop on lands purchased from the Dole company and Costco is now in discussion to establish 100 to 200 acres of greenhouse production to meet their local demand. This listing is not exhaustive but more to evidence the scale of recent actors and investments in Hawaii’s local food system. As many listed above have also found recognition by the state in documenting its work to reaching goals to double food production, it is apparent that scale is an especially important consideration in the state’s efforts. Collectively these projects demonstrate a ‘local shift’ in agrofood investment and development. Further, many of these projects, like the state, have taken up popular narratives of food security and localization, sustainability, and increased food self-sufficiency. This alignment of government and private finance visions for Hawaii’s local foods system calls into question the forms of local food system development being pursued and their potential to further marginalize the thousands of existing small and mid size farms across the islands. Akin to issues in the social aspects of energy transitions covered by Miller, Iles, & Jones [[email protected]_2013], from the perspective of many consumers and small and mid-scale producers, the definitions of local food are not limited to just the geography of their production but also through ownership across the value chain [@loke.leung_2013a]. Yet, from the perspective of the state and investors, large-scale operations have clear advantages as they operate with economies of scale, are easier to integrate into state procurement systems, and generate revenues that flow to their shareholders. Conversely, diversified and locally owned operations are viewed to deliver various returns from local production through economic, environmental, and social impacts.  ## Contested Frames While the local shift in investments holds promise in delivering on state goals to increase agricultural productivity, the impacts to producers remains woefully under-examined in this approach. Further analysis is needed to assess the extent to which the notedly complex definition of local in Hawaii [@hobart_2016] will be appeased or ignored by this approach. The value delivered to consumers by large scale operations is presumably held by lower food prices, but the lack of dense competitive markets, demonstrated by monopolizing industry investments fueled by economic interests, raises concern over whether the wave of local shift actors will yield such a benefit or function as a rent seeking mechanism while thinning the diversity of local producers. Further study is required to understand the implications of the state’s contradictory pursuit of food security and local farmer support rationales. Embedded in this issue is the contested realm of localness, and the extent to which citizens and  consumers, if given choice, are seeking food security at the cost of existing. local producers. ## References [Hawaii Green Growth. (n.d.). Local Food – Aloha+ Challenge [Hawaii Green Growth]. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from https://aloha-challenge.hawaiigreengrowth.org/aloha-goals/local-food/](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Ige, D. (2016, September 1). Governor David Ige’s Remarks at the IUCN World Conservation Congress. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from http://governor.hawaii.gov/main/governor-david-iges-remarks-at-the-iucn-world-conservation-congress/](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Office of Governor David Ige. (2016). World Conservation Congress Legacy Commitment: “Double Local Food Production.”](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Office of Governor David Ige. (2018, July 25). Finding the game-changers for local food production. Retrieved March 11, 2019, from http://governor.hawaii.gov/main/finding-the-game-changers-for-local-food-production/](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Office of Governor David Ige. (n.d.). Sustainable Hawai‘i Initiative Brochure (p. 4).](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Office of the Governor. (2019, April 25). Taking action statewide for a Sustainable Hawai’i. Retrieved May 1, 2019, from https://governor.hawaii.gov/main/taking-action-statewide-for-a-sustainable-hawaii/](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP) [Ulupono Initiative. (n.d.). Home - Ulupono Initiative. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from http://ulupono.com/](https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?pREPYP)