> [!NOTE ] from introduction > ![[1. Introduction#^9b7f4a]] [](1.%20Introduction.md#^9b7f4a)ow/have food crises ==reshaped== Hawaii’s food system?* - **Operational Questions** 1. What food crises occurred in Hawaii over the 20th century? - Typology - Timeline - [ ] Define food crisis generally - [ ] Define scope of crisis for this research 2. What were the immediate impacts? - [ ] NEED TO DETERMINE - eg Did the food system ‘localize’? 3. How/did economic foci shift as a result of food crises? 4. What, if any, durable reshaping of food systems occurred? - Banana Bread, SPAM 5. How has the governance of food crises changed over time? - planning response? 6. How have entitlement bundles and institution response roles shifted over time? 7. What innovations in local food crisis response have emerged? - stockpiling by households and distributors 8. What critical transitions occur in the return to imports as a crisis recedes? **Summary** To address how food crises have reshaped Hawaii’s food system I will compile a timeline of disruptions since the 19th century, and undertake comparative historical analysis to ascertain relationships to broader shifts in Hawaii’s food system. Explicit interest will be paid to response approaches and their influence on durable impacts, if any, to Hawaii foodways. Over the past year I have compiled data on food crises in the islands, with notable collections on World War I and II, and maritime strikes in 1936-37 and 1949. | Comparative historical analysis of food crises impacts and responses in Hawaii over the 20th century. | A [[Phenology of Food System Disruptions]] - **Notes** - **Catalog the responses to disruptions and see how they have shifted through time** - Federal response/ provisioning of entitlement bundles - DOD - Emergency management agencies - SNAP history - territory/state responses - UH/CTAHR response - Community responses - Third sector? - Food banks - philanthropy - Household response? - Impacts to food preferences draw from [[2022-09-13 - risk topology#^4f0d16]] <hr> # 20thC Food Crises in Hawaii > “A labor crisis, a prolonged quarantine, or a suspension of ocean traffic would work sore disaster even to those estates which have enormous capital, since at no time is there a superabundance of food for man and beast, either in the pantries of the plantations or in the stores of Honolulu.” [@stubbs_1901, p. 94] ## Introduction On the heels of the overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy, an American Century began in the Hawaiian Islands. Plantation power was rising, the sugar complex had expressed its will over a nation and a new power took hold. This chapter provides a timeline of food crisis in the islands from US annexation, through statehood, and into the 21st century. Through articulating the forms of food crises experienced, their antecedents and legacies, this chapter will demonstrate how disruptions in food provisioning reshaped Hawaii's food systems. While these reshapings have more often than not been temporary, popular concern around food system disruptions has etched itself into public consciousness of island residents. First, a timeline and typology of crises will demonstrate the arc of time and forms of disruptions. Interspersed will be data about the ways in which systems of food provisioning reshaped to respond to crisis. Where possible, narratives will seek to expose the powers at play in leading response, the actors and their goals, and the outcomes of various interventions. As food provisioning systems extend from the individual to the global, this chapter will focus on disruptions that occurred during the 20th Century, impacted the entirety of the Hawaiian Islands, were protracted in their duration {NEED TO DETERMINE THRESHOLD}, and involved a response from within the islands (as opposed to just nationally or globally managed, e.g. 2007 food price hike). %% [[gpt on WWI]] %% In each of these crises, data will demonstrate the reorientation of export agriculture to support local food provisioning, where possible will draw in the mechanisms employed towards that end, and also the duration of this reshaping and the indurability of these changes in the face of global forces. ## Literature Review - [ ] Define Food security - [ ] Define Food crisis - [ ] define risk and vulnerability - - [[@cady_1937]] - [[@schmitt_1970]] on famine mortality in HI - [[@wisner.etal_2014a]] on risk - [[@watts.bohle_1993]] on hunger poverty and vulnerability - [[@currey.hugo_1984]] on famine as a geographical phenomenon - [[@vanhaute_2011]] on shift from famines to food crises/history of local+global subsistence crises - [[@southichack_2007]] on HI inshipment trends and implications for food security - [[@jackson_2021]] on "Critical junctures, agrarian change, and the (re)production of vulnerability in a marginalised Indigenous society" ##### Food Crises Legal frameworks for the concept of food security begin with the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights [@ayalew_1997], but as the concept developed the focus has shifted from the global and national level to the individual household [@loke.leung_2013a]. Scale jumps in the locus of management of food security trends well with the establishment of neoliberal approaches to governance. While the concept of food security has grown to encompass availability, access, utilization, and stability [@loke.leung_2013a], the party responsible for food security has increasingly become the individual citizen; exemplified in the three-day and fourteen-day supply of food and water recommendations by the US Federal Emergency Management Agency and the Hawaii Emergency Management Agency, respectively. When individual food security is disrupted hunger and undernourishment can result. A food crisis occurs when hunger and undernourishment increase drastically across a population [@timmer_2010]. Hunger when scaled to the point of an absolute lack of food, is experienced by a population, is reclassified as famine [@ayalew_1997]. Food crisis encompasses both hunger and famine. Famine however has driven much of the theorizing around food crises. ##### Famine and Food Crisis The greatest tectonic shift in understanding food crises of the past decades came with Amartya Sen’s [-@sen_1981] work on poverty and famine. Sen’s ‘entitlement approach’ focuses on the ability of people to access food through, inter alia, production, trade, and state entitlements. The entitlement approach parses household endowments (e.g. wealth and ownership of productive resources), production possibilities (e.g., land and labor), and exchange conditions (market access). Sen distinguished between increasing supply (e.g. doubling local food production) and ensuring there are efficient distributive mechanisms achieved through a free market system. Currey’s [-@currey_1984] critique of Sen's entitlement approach however finds that it does little to articulate the causes of famine, in particular the lack of political and environmental factors. Devereaux’s [-@devereux_2001] sweeping review of Sen’s work finds shortcomings in a focus on legal mechanisms over socio-political factors. While famine is not the subject of this research, the embeddedness of famine within the taxonomy of food crisis is of import as the value of geographic inquiry to famine is well documented [@currey.hugo_1984]. ## Theory & Methods This chapter applies comparative historical analysis methods of inter-case comparison to … Through causal analysis of crises, - Inter-case comparison - causal analysis of crises - concatenation? per [[@currey_1984]] - [[comparative process tracing]]![[comparative process tracing#^6e936f]] - [ ] DEFINING WHAT DETERMINES A "CRISIS" or PERIOD I LOOK AT - 20th C / Territorial and State history - An external disruption - Statewide impact - not just a grocery store closing shop, for example - Protracted impact - A state response - Comparative Historical Analysis: causal analysis, an emphasis on temporally-oriented analysis, and the use of systematic, case-based comparative research. 1. formulate a problem 2. conceptualize variables 3. make hypotheses 4. establish a sample 5. operationalize concepts 6. gather data 7. analyze data to test hypotheses 8. make a conclusion ##### Sources - Government records - Popular press articles - Extension publications ## Timeline %% TODO - [ ] explain the purpose of the timeline - [ ] tether the timeline to a research question - [ ] tether the timeline to a body of literature? - [ ] explain what won't be included in the timeline - [ ] allude/explain what the timeline will fit into next %% ### overview - 1778: Western Contact - 1780 Kamehameha I's **wars** of unification resulted in significant disruption to food supplies across the islands, with crops being severely damaged and cultivation activities being hindered. - 18th-century: island famines caused by **weather** and **warfare**. - Early 19th: **economic** famine via labor shift from ag to sandalwood - Rice, 2018 - Mid-19th: export agriculture and food imports expand - Late 19th/Early 20th: imports increase but diversified exports decline - 20th: **warfare** and **economic factors** (strikes) are primary issues - 21st: **Pandemic** - [[5.5 COVID-19 Pandemic in Hawaii Foodways]] - Detailed 20th Century (as dataset + detailed narratives?) ### *Wī*: Hunger and Famine Pre-Contact > **He hāpuʻu ka ʻai he ai make** > *If the hāpuʻu is the food, it is the food of death* Ku turns self into breadfruit tree to address famine https://spiritoftrees.org/the-gift-of-ku #### Pacific hazard types adapted from @campbell_2006 ```mermaid graph TD Hazards --- Geophysical & Biological Geophysical --- Meteorological & Geological Biological --- Floral & Faunal Faunal --- DV[Disease Vectors] Floral --- Weeds & FD[Fungal Diseases] FD --- Animals & Plants & Human DV --- Human & Animal Flooding --- Riverine & Coastal Meteorological --- Hurricane & Drought & Flooding Geological --- Erosion & VE[Volcanic Eruption] & Earthquake & Tsunami & SF[Slope Failure] Erosion --- Coastal & Slope & RB[River Bank] ``` #### Resilience Strategies (probably move to [[6. Food Crisis, Change, and Opportunity]] or wherever strategies a collated) Historical famine vulnerability in the Pacific, as characterized by Sahlins [-@sahlins_1958, as cited in @currey_1980a], resulted from seasons of lean productivity ("gaps in production") and limited diversity of food sources. Crop cycle gaps increased exposure to various hazards (drought, war, flooding, etc.) that, without alternate sources like wild or famine foods, fish, or other crops, could result in hunger or famine. In many parts of the Pacific such lean months were common, even being given a term in some cases (CITATION?). This however was not quite the case in Hawaii. The Hawaiian Islands complex of dryland and wetland agricultural systems developed in response to landscape and climate heterogeneity [@lincoln.vitousek_2017]. The resulting mosaic of management of crop and production system diversity provided a bulwark against weather and climate disruptions [@winter.etal_2018]. As a strategy for sustainable production, functional biodiversity in agroecosystems is critical [@altieri_1999]. Active management of functional agrobiodiversity was furthered by social controls in the form *kapu* restricting access or harvest to select species. In certain cases *kapu* would alternate between substitute species, allowing population recovery [@winter.etal_2018]. The management of productive systems for sustained surpluses is a key strategy for disaster risk reduction across the Pacific [@campbell_2006]. Beyond the productivity of the staple systems, Hawaii employed a variety of mechanisms to mitigate caloric disruption during lean periods. These strategies to address hunger or respond to famine relied on process, preference, social, and spatial shifts. \[ADD IN] @kagawa-viviani.etal_2018 identify ...  >the sensitivity of agricultural production in dryland field systems to temporal variability in climate would have had implications for economic and political relationships, both competitive and cooperative. climate cycle constraints to seasonal cultivation and crop production > findings suggest seasonal complementarity in crop production within and between field systems. This ==complementarity indicates coordination both within and between field systems through consolidation, coercion, or increased cooperation could have alleviated periodic food stress and contributed to more stable political hierarchies==, which may explain similarities in their respective chronologies of development. Food processing for preservation in the form of fermented or dried taro was a strategy to extend harvest surpluses over time [@campbell_2006]. During lean periods, the loosening food preferences could incorporate both alternative plant and marine species, from less favored to "famine foods" [@winter.etal_2018]. Food options could be further expanded through the lifting of *kapu* to allow access to controlled resource areas [Pi'iania, 1977, as cited in @currey_1980a] where wild plants could harvested for consumption [@krauss_1993]. Additional *kapu* could be lifted to allow consumption of select foods otherwise prohibited to commoners or by gender. Certain foods reserved for famine use also required social coordination for their consumption. For example, despite limited use in Hawaii, *imu ki* or large earth ovens for baking the starchy roots of the ti plant (*Cordyline fruticosa*), are distributed across Polynesia [@carson_2002]. The *umu ti*, the cognate term elsewhere in Polynesia, requiring high sustained temperature and were larger than regular earth ovens. The extent of labor required to prepare, from digging up roots to fuel collection to cooking, factored into the limited and in some cases revered use in most locales. The volume of food produced made the endeavor worthwhile however. In Hawaii *imu ki* were likely also a community affair, but *imu ki* use may have been restricted to only famine periods [@carson_2002]. Finally, migration within and between islands [@schmitt_1970, @currey_1980a] was a common mechanism to evade declining food resources. Campbell [-@campbell_2006] identifies another spatial solution of using of land set aside for emergency cultivation as a strategy elsewhere in the Pacific. In the instance when hunger became famine, the names for these events often came from the wild foods consumed *‘ama’u*, *hapu’u* [Kamakau, 1961, as cited in @rice_2018]. Following suit, the Hawaiian word for famine, *wī*, was also a name for *Neripteron vespertinum* (formerly *Theodoxus vespertinus*) a freshwater invertebrate consumed during times of scarcity [Garret, as cited in @titcomb_1978]. Dye [-@dye_2014] however questions the extent to which *wī* conceptually overlaps with English word famine and its association with catastrophic mortality. In reviewing Hawaiian oral traditions Dye found no reference to mass casualties and instead finds a 'food sharing ethic' highlighted as a strategy employed in each tale [-@dye_2014]. Schmidt's [-@schmitt_1970] detailed review of famine in Hawaii found such disruptions to generally be regional, infrequent, addressed by migration, and thus not responsible for disastrous loss of life. While reports of catastrophic mortality from hunger do not appear, excepting civil war from 1790-1796 [@schmitt_1970], the food sharing ethic on the other hand appear frequently [@dye_2014]. Exemplary of this ethic is a story shared John Papa ʻĪʻī [-@ii_1995] : >Here is a wonderful thing about the land of Waipio. After a famine had raged in that land, the removal of new crops from the taro patches and gardens was prohibited until all of the people had gathered and the farmers had joined in thanks to the gods. This prohibition was called *kapu 'ohi'a* because, while the famine was upon the land, the people had lived on mountain apples (*'ohi'a 'ai*), tis, yams, and other upland foods. On the morning of Kane an offering of taro greens and other things was made to remove the 'ohi'a prohibition, after which each farmer took of his own crops for the needs of his family. (p. 77) Evidenced therein are the use of alternate food crops, administration of prohibitions, and communal food sharing. Food sharing was not just a strategy of makaainana, as ʻĪʻī [-@ii_1995] also notes a childhood experience receiving food from a store house of King Kamehameha I reserved for use and distribution during famine. These experiences track well with Schmidt's [-@schmitt_1970] conclusion that famine had "limited demographic significance" in Hawaiian depopulation after Western contact. - Add in [[2024-09-24 enuhe & famine in Kau]]? #### Scratch - @hommon_2013 finds suggests that in the century before Western arrival (Phase III 1680-1790) - suggest that during Phase III, the array of factors reviewed here— increased labor requirements, the addition of field work to women’s traditional tasks, diminished productivity, rapid population growth, reduced soil fertility resulting from shortened fallow, government levies, and finally infrastructure development that reached the limits of cultivable land—probably led to an increased frequency and degree of food stress among the commoners who were dependent on rain-fed systems. - Shortage of staple foods was seldom experienced directly by the chiefly class, but traditional accounts during Phase III refer explicitly to chiefs’ perceptions of shortages of or reduced accessibility to the flow of items of wealth (waiwai) to which they had evidently become accustomed during decades of economic growth and increasing revenue. - Krauss categorized then available food plants into staple, variety, and famine groups [-@krauss_1993]. - Diligent management of functional biodiversity in agroecosystems is a key mechanism to sustain production and enable resilience in the food system [@altieri_1999, @winter.etal_2018] - The high levels of redundancy in wild food sources is indicative of a resilient food system, one that identified food sources that were relied on primarily in periods of scarcity [@winter.etal_2018] - Fishponds established as a response to famines [@Rosalyn Dias Concepcion, Alaka'i Loko I'a (Fishpond) Manager, Pacific America Foundation, presentation during 2022 Hawaii Agriculture Conference] - @dye_2014 notes the 'food sharing ethic' as a strategy employed in each famine example present in Hawaiian traditions (read: moʻolelo, legends?) - None of the famine traditions mentions mortality, or relates resource scarcity to social disruption or warfare. These characteristics appear to be a product of their interpretation. In fact, a common theme of the legends is decidedly non-Malthusian – access to food was a right of person (Macpherson 1985) made possible by a socially prescribed food-sharing ethic. - [@dye_2014, p. 64] #### Food System Resilience Strategies in Hawaii's *Ancien Régime* - production system diversity - dietary diversity and alternate famine foods - kapu and use prohibitions - food sharing ethic - emergency storage - migration - [ ] Pull from @sahlins_2017 about the economic structure and value of food storages by alii [[notes from @sahlins_2017]] - ““It was the practice for kings \[i.e. paramount chiefs of individual islands] to build storehouses in which to collect food, fish, tapas \[bark cloth], malos \[men’s loin cloths], pa-us \[women’s loin skirts], and all sorts of goods. These store-houses were designed by the Kalaimoku \[chief’s executive] as a means of keeping the people contented, so they would not desert the king. They were like the baskets that were used to entrap the hinalea fish. The hinalea thought there was something good within the basket, and he hung round the outside of it. In the same way the people thought there was food in the storehouses, and they kept their eyes on the king. As the rat will not desert the pantry . . . where he thinks food is, so the people will not desert the king while they think there is food in his storehouse” (Malo, 1951, p. 195).” (Sahlins, 2017, p. 240) ### Early Post-Contact - 1778-1846 - [ ] 📅 2023-10-31 @lacroix.roumasset_1984 on post-contact pre-missionary - "The primary lesson from this story is that ==where contact with capitalism is associated with a worsening of the income distribution, it does not follow that outsiders directly exploited indigenous workers==. ==New technology and trading opportunities may change the society’s balance of power and result in major alterations in its economic and political institutions==. ==With these changes in the “rules of the game,” the distribution of income can worsen even if the distribution of factor endowments remains fixed==." > **Nui ka ‘ai ma ke kuahiwi, pu‘u no ka ‘ai, ‘i‘o no ka i‘a.** > *There is much food in the mountains, pu‘u is the food and ‘i‘o is meat.* > Said by missionary Reverend David Lyman in 1857 when his pupils went with him to the mountains and complained of having no food for the journey–there was an abundance of hāpu‘u and ho‘i‘o ferns in the mountains. [source](http://data.bishopmuseum.org/ethnobotanydb/ethnobotany.php?b=d&ID=hapuu) #### 1780-96 Civil Wars Kamehameha's wars of unification lead to disrupted food supply ("crops devastated, cultivation interfered with") across the island [@feiteira_1937, p. 24] **Kaha lelelepō** - _n.,_ Famine during wartime, with persons seeking food at night for fear of being seen.  - _Literally_, cut leap about night. **Ua kaha akula ka nalu o kuʻu ʻāina** > To press the land on the back, as when one lands on shore in the surf; e kaha i ka nalu; hence the proverbial expression, ua _kaha_ aku la ka nalu o kuu aina, means (_lit._ The surf has pressed upon my land) to have a famine for land, i. e., to press, to squeeze the people for food. [source](https://www.trussel2.com/HAW/ON/ON-conc-kaha.htm) > To cover over completely as by a great tidal wave. (A word used by an ancient alii of Hamakua, Hawaii, in describing the desolation caused by a famine: Ua kaha aku la ka nalu o kuu aina; Literally, the surf of my land, or place, has swept everything away. Surf here means famine.) [source](https://wehewehe.org/gsdl2.85/cgi-bin/hdict?e=d-11000-00---off-0hdict--00-1----0-10-0---0---0direct-10-ED--4-------0-1lpm--11-haw-Zz-1---Zz-1-home---00-3-1-00-0--4----0-0-11-00-0utfZz-8-00&d=D71788&l=en) > The waves of my land have swept everything away (said of famine) [source](https://wehewehe.org/gsdl2.85/cgi-bin/hdict?e=q-11000-00---off-0hdict--00-1----0-10-0---0---0direct-10-ED--4--textpukuielbert%2ctextmamaka-----0-1l--11-en-Zz-1---Zz-1-home-kaha--00-4-1-00-0--4----0-0-11-00-0utfZz-8-00&a=d&d=D5827#hero-bottom-banner) pololi - hunger or famine Aipala [famine of ca. 1811](https://dlnr.hawaii.gov/ecosystems/files/2013/07/Cultual-Study-Puu-Makaala.pdf) [The Great Famine](https://archive.org/details/mythslegendsofou05skin/page/242/mode/2up?q=famine) kanikani - name of a great famine in legend #### Sandalwood Famine - Hi-lalele **economic** famine via labor shift from ag to sandalwood @rice_2018 > Many of them suffered for food; because of the green herbs they were obliged to eat they were called “Excreters-of-green-herbs” (_Hi-lalele_), and many died and were buried there. The land was denuded of sandalwood by this means. > > Kamakau, 1992, 252. as cited at https://theumiverse.wordpress.com/2020/12/10/hi-lalele-%CA%BBiliahi-the-sandalwood-trade/ #### 1845-46 Kaʻū drought Schmidt [-@schmitt_1970] identifies Kaʻū as the site of the Hawaii's final famine in 1845-46. A protracted drought led to hunger, outmigration, and contributed to long term depopulation of the region. #### 1850 Cholera & Small Pox Epidemics A Board of Health established in December 1850 in response to cholera and smallpox epidemics [@akau_1958]. ### 1846 - 1913 Hunger would still occur, see examples of poi palaai, but famine stopped. Why did famines not persist? Did global interactions and food play a role? how about move from mercantilism to capitalism???? How about transportation? market economics? labor markets? [[1868 Earthquake]]] ### Other stuff to note: use of poi palaai and then poi palaoa as alternative foods when poi kalo was limited ### 1920s Food Price spike @nupepa_2012 https://www.newspapers.com/article/honolulu-star-bulletin-expect-prices-for/154131825/ ## Typology Actors - durations - origins - trigger - Different types of social motivation in the extent of willful belt-tightening - Strikes vs wars - Famine - @schmitt_1977, @rice_2018 - Drought and hurricane? - Wars - Maritime Strikes - Pandemics - 1918 spanish flu - 2020- COVID-19 - Economic ## Risk = Hazard x Vulnerability Risk, often represented the product of hazard and vulnerability (R = H x V), shifts over time. ## Tools Used - Production planning - Market and marketing coordination - Price controls and gouging protection - Stockpiling Reserve caches - Household - Distributor - [[@mccarthy_1964]] @mccarthy_1964 on stockpiling. strike durations on p. 4 - EMAs? - Food conservation ## Inter-case comparison of WWI/II > [!FAQ] does this need to compare? or just describe? #### [[World War I]] #### [[World War II]] ### [[Maritime Strikes]] apply [[comparative process tracing]]? [[1936-1937 Maritime Strike]] - the strike period was a direct response to the 2nd food regime and sugar factors disciplining of labor within shipping firms they own - timeline of strikes and their duration on [@mccarthy_1964, p.4] ![[Length of Maritime Strikes Affecting Hawaii, 1946-1962 (@mccarthy_1964).png]] [[1949 Great Hawaiian Dock Strike]] ## COVID-19? or will it be separated into [[5.5 COVID-19 Pandemic in Hawaii Foodways]]? ## [[Food Crisis Typology Timeline]] | Period | <18th Century | 19th C | 20th C | 21st C | | ---------------------------- | ---------------------------------------- | ----------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------- | ----------------------------------------------- | | Disruption | Weather & Warfare | Economic & Weather | War & Economic | Economic & Pandemic | | Impact | regional hunger or famine | famines begin and end, respectively | disruptions impact all islands | disruptions affect entire globe | | Mitigation Strategy | Crop/production system diversity, *Kapu* | New crop integration, | Central planning, Market integrated storage | Entitlement programs | | Response/Adaptation Strategy | food alternates, Migration | Migration, *poi palaai* | | Civil society safety net, Transfer entitlements | >[!note] with greater global teleconnections over time, the locus of risk shifts from regional to pae aina and then to the global origin ## Evolution of emergency food planning see [[feeding like a state - emergency food planning]] ^f84210 20th century emergency response had little in the way of food focused planning. Review of territorial and state emergency plans demonstrates a slow evolution to consider mass care and food as a purpose of planning. Only during COVID was an explicit plan produced for emergency feeding work. see @warner_1937 ## Discussion - shifting power between actors - structural change (accelerations and impediments) - who grew? - wwi: extension - wwii: HDOA/ insect research - strikes: distributors? home storage? - covid: (ie big box, hubs, delivery, emergency feeding) - pre-disaster stockpiling - by distributors? - by households - popular concern about ‘if the ships stop coming’ - because they often did.. - coordinated marketing programs (ideally with anchor purchasing) - [[Territorial Market Program]] (1910s) - [[Hawaii Produce Market (1943–1947)]] (1940s) - [[Produce Information Exchange]] (1950s) - [[People's Open Market]] as possible? - [[Hawaii Food Hub Hui]] - The value of inclusive planning that incorporates long term impact.  ### Throughline Approaches Planning bodies Coordinated Marketing Programs Export reorientation Access support | Period / Approach | <18th - 19th C | WWI | WWII | COVID | | ------ | --------- | ------- | ------ | ----------- | | __Planning bodies__ | tax levy shifts? | Territorial Food Commission | Office of Food Control | AgHui? HFA? HHAN? ESF-6>? | | **Coordinated Marketing** | famine food adoption? | | | | **Export reorientation** | trade stops | bananas | ?? | tourist food | | **Access support** | king's storage | Price control | Volume control? *not rationing* | Civil society safety net, Transfer entitlements | ## Conclusion ## References - Wisner, B., Blaikie, P., Cannon, T., & Davis, I. (2014). At risk: Natural hazards, people’s vulnerability and disasters. Routledge.